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Yoruba Glass Beads
by Kwesi Amanfrafo
Contemporary glass bead making in West Africa is dominated by the Ghanaian powder glass industries. However, throughout the twentieth century and for centuries earlier, other glass bead makers in this region achieved prominence, notably the makers of "murakad" (Maure wet powder glass) and "Bida" beads (Massaga furnace wound). These two industries have both been examined somewhat extensively in the bead literature, as have the Ghanaian industries. Receiving less attention have been the various Yoruba (southwestern Nigeria) glass bead-making industries. Yoruba-made glass beads are either grouped with their Ghanaian powder glass counterparts or are practically unknown to students of beads in the West.
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Recent investigations of the Yoruba glass bead industries suggest three distinctive techniques: lapidary, powder glass, and drawn. Most students of beads do not dispute either the lapidary or powder glass forms, although detailed knowledge of and exposure to these beads are lacking. The lapidary beads are, perhaps, the least disputable, only because no other such bead industry exists elsewhere in West Africa, with the exception of rather ad hoc reshaping and piercing (by lapidary techniques) of bead fragments practiced intermittently in various places throughout the region. However, evidence will be presented below that these beads are only superficially "lapidary" and that, in fact, they are really an arcane form of drawn beads. Yoruba powder glass beads are frequently confused with technically similar Ghanaian beads (all are cold-worked) because of the latter's contemporary dominance in powder glass, in contrast to the virtual extinction of the industry in Yorubaland. The concept of Yoruba drawn beads is highly controversial and there is no significant literature to support the proposition. In fact, before undertaking this investigation, this student had only the mere suggestion that drawn beads may have been made by the Yoruba, and even the party making the suggestion seemed skeptical and remains so.
Among the reasons Yoruba beads are so poorly understood is the chronic political dysfunction in Nigeria. Since the 1970s, Nigeria has been a dangerous and unstable country to visit, unlike Ghana, Ivory Coast, and other West African countries that have been peaceful and easily accessible most of the time. Beads of Nigerian origin found in the American market are brought by African traders or by Europeans, including Americans, who obtain them in the more accessible markets of neighboring countries. Both sources are notoriously unreliable. African traders are prone to identify bead origins by where the beads are found, while European identification is limited to conjecture, in the absence of very much documentary evidence. Furthermore, buyers in Western markets are all too eager to believe exotic stories and, thus, hard -to-dispel myths are born.
The beads examined in this study are from three sources. First, there are beads purchased in the American market from African traders. Second, there are beads purchased personally in several West African markets, including those of Ghana, Ivory Coast, and Togo. Third, and most importantly, are beads that were acquired directly in Nigeria, in Oyo, Ife, and Ilorin, the first two being the primary centers of Yoruba culture. Bead-oriented documentary evidence is extremely limited and includes only Euba (1981) and Eluyemi (1979). Otherwise, interviews were conducted in 1998 with Dr. Eluyemi in Ife and with several market people in the various Yoruba towns. Finally, Jamey Allen, who participated in the 1998 tour, has contributed his invaluable perspective to this paper, although the conclusions are strictly those of the author.
Lapidary Beads
Most of the evidence for Yoruba lapidary beads comes from the modern bead trade. Thus, like much contemporary African bead knowledge, our level of understanding is entirely superficial. The main documentary sources that confirm the trader origin myths include Eluyemi (1979) and Euba (1981). Such beads apparently have some age, indicated by their veneration even among groups removed from Yorubaland, such as the Krobo (southeastern Ghana), who covet the beads and endow them with mysterious properties and origins.
 The middle and right-hand beads shown here are examples of lapidary glass beads of Nigerian origin. As mentioned, the lapidary beads are the least controversial of the alleged Yoruba glass beads, but this is not meant to suggest that the beads are well understood. These beads are often called "bottle glass" in the American market, with some logic. However, the age, material, and manufacturing method(s) are poorly understood and examination of many specimens suggests multiple explanations
A commonly held view is that pieces of glass bottles are shaped and drilled using lapidary techniques. In fact, an oft-repeated story is of beads that have "Coca-Cola" marks on them. This student has yet to find any such "marked" beads and, in fact, most of the specimens ever observed are too thick to be bottle fragments or are of such a shape that it is hard to imagine exactly from which portions of bottles they might derive.
 The lapidary beads are found in a variety of bottle-glass colors, both antique and contemporary. They are also found in other colors, suggesting that glass other than bottle glass has been used to some make them. Certain specimens are of common modern bottles, including bright green and brown glass from beer bottles, and colorless glass from soda bottles, such as Fanta. Otherwise, there are beads of cobalt blue (medicine bottles?), opaque white (cold cream jars?), and dark green (wine bottles?). There are also odd colors, such as the middle bead above, which is also dichroic (light blue and yellow), as shown to the left in transmitted light.
 The semi-cylindrical bead shown to the right is some 35 mm long and has a cross-section of 10 x 15 mm. Lapidary beads of this thickness are not uncommon. In fact, such dimensions are the rule. Either the bead is quite old and derived from a type of bottle that is not prevalent today or the bead was made another way. This bead is unusual otherwise. Viewed in reflected light, the glass is olive green, but it contains light blue swirls. In transmitted light, the olive green portion retains its color, as the picture indicates, but the light blue swirls become brown. Thus, there are two glasses involved in this bead, ordinary olive green wine bottle glass and a dichroic glass.
It is apparent that such beads were not derived directly from bottle glass fragments, but from glass that was melted and formed into rough bead shapes before the lapidary techniques were applied. This would explain the light blue (brown) swirled pattern observed in the above bead, as well as its thickness. It seems that two colors of glass were melted together, but that the mixture was not fully homogenized. At which point in the process the swirled glass became dichroic is also problematic. Either the feedstock was dichroic or the glass assumed dichroism during the heating and cooling. Dichroism in glass is the result of both the metallic elements present in glass and the physical processes to which the glass is subjected. Thus, the temperature to which glass is heated and the rates of heating and cooling influence dichroism. That translucent blue glass beads can become dichroic or opaque has been well demonstrated with certain "koli" (Ga-Adangbe heat-modified) beads, such as the left-hand bead in the first photo above.
 Yoruba informants and the archeological literature suggest that glass was melted and formed into beads. Glass-lined crucibles excavated by Willett at Ife indicate that glass was melted, while the so-called "kori" stones lately found in both Oyo and Ife offer immediate physical proof of this practice. However, the mechanism by which this melted glass may have been converted to lapidary glass beads is less obvious.
The "kori" stone shown to the right was found in the market at Oyo. Several others were found in the personal shrine of a bead seller in Ife. These objects are associated with the Olokun deity, fertility, marriage, and wealth. This object is comprised of fused glass fragments and a variety of glasses is apparent. An informant at Oyo market, Mrs. Grace, indicated that beads used to be made from these "kori" stones, at least in the time of Ladigbolu, the Alafin of Oyo from 1911 to 1944. The mechanism for making beads from them, however, was not clearly explained. It is notable that Willett did not find such "kori" stones in his excavations, but that Richard Lander, the Cornish explorer, acquired something very much like this at Old Oyo in 1830, which was said to have come from "Iffie" (Ife). It is not so surprising that Willett did not uncover such objects, since many of his sites had been, for centuries, the targets of much looting.
It is hypothesized that various glass fragments, which could have been bottles, windowpanes, and even beads, were melted in crucibles or clay pots. This melting would have been more thorough than that shown here and would have resulted in a much more uniform glass for bead making purposes. Had the feedstock been all the same glass, a uniform ingot of glass would result. At this point, either a molten ingot was somehow formed or the cooled mass was broken into fragments. The hot-formed ingots or the cold-formed fragments were then subjected to the lapidary bead making process. Evidence derived from various bead specimens suggests that the hot-formed ingot method was more prevalent. Many of the beads have smooth round indentations that could not be the result of fragmentation of a cold glass mass and that are not likely to have been made by the lapidary techniques in use among the Yoruba. These indentations are more likely tool marks and are what naifs call evidence of bottle fragments, for some are curved, not unlike bottle bottoms.
 Shown to the left is a long glass bead to support the hypothesis that hot glass ingots were formed from the "kori" stones. The bead is a uniform translucent blue, but of a color that is not typical of common bottles. The glass appears pulled as taffy, but is otherwise unfinished. Such a surface can only be hot formed. Sadly, however, this bead was not collected in Yorubaland, but was found on a string of obviously Western chandelier parts that was said to have come from Nigeria (Rita Okrent).
It has long been debated whether the Yoruba actually made glass and the glass-lined crucibles are the main evidence in support of the hypothesis. Experts, who have studied this glass, including Willett and Davison, have concluded, however, that this glass is consistent with European or Middle Eastern glasses, with nothing to suggest a local Yoruba origin. Thus, the consensus is that the Yoruba reworked imported glasses exclusively.
Confusion arises as to the technique used to perforate these lapidary beads. By all appearances, the perforations look as if they are drilled or bored, usually unidirectionally. However, experts have indicated that glass cannot be pecked as jasper and other hard stones have been pecked for centuries in the Muslim areas north of Yorubaland. Thus, drilling seems a more likely possibility, perhaps with the bow drill in earlier times or with modern power drills more recently, but drilling of glass is probably as risky and fruitless as pecking. An alternative method would be hot piercing. Perhaps glass ingots were pierced while still hot with the esoro, the hard metal pecking tool used by the hard stone workers. Indeed, Eluyemi mentions that the esoro was used to make "segi" beads, but he fails to describe the technique. Is it not possible that glass ingots, still warm from the crucible, could have been pierced, after which, the bead surfaces were finished with cold lapidary techniques? In many cases, the ends of the beads are ground flat, thereby hiding evidence of the piercing technique.
 Shown here are several more related beads, all of which were collected in Nigeria. The bead on the left is the same blue translucent glass as the large "taffy" bead shown above and has the same "stretch" marks. Rather than conforming to our image of a piece of cold-worked glass, it looks more like a corded drawn bead. The ends are ground flat, but the sides show no evidence of grinding. The bead is slightly curved, as is the perforation. The second bead is asymmetrically perforated across the narrow top. The bottom and sides are ground flat, but the top is unground and rounded, with indentations. It is the same translucent blue glass as the first bead.
 The third bead is also asymmetrically perforated through the narrow end, the perforation being vaguely visible in the picture. The bead is a lightly saturated olive green and shows some evidence of grinding, although it appears to have been hot formed. The perforation is indented on one end, suggestive of hot piercing. The fourth bead is similar to the third, although it is light blue. It also has an indented perforation on one side. The fifth bead is dichroic: blue-gray in reflected light and gold- or copper-colored in transmitted light. The last bead shows little evidence of grinding and also has an indented perforation. It is notable because it is comprised of two glasses. The main body of the bead is translucent light blue, but the little wing off to the right is dichroic: light blue in reflected light and yellow or gold in transmitted light, as shown to the left. These six beads have much in common and together make a strong argument for both the hot-formed and hot-pierced hypotheses.
These beads are in the "segi" family among the Yoruba. Among the Krobo, these beads, especially when dichroic, are called "abaklé koli" and, according to a Krobo fetish priest, are the type of bead carried by Kloweke, their female deity. Thus, these beads have a long history in West Africa and have ceremonial importance. The Yoruba say that they made these beads and the literature supports this claim. To the Krobo, these beads are exogenous and are said to come from "the ground".
In summary, these so-called lapidary beads appear to be from an industry that is several centuries old that now appears to be defunct. The beads are composed of a variety of glasses, both antique and contemporary, and the materials appear to include both bottle glass and glass from other objects. European beads, especially leaded Venetian blue tubes that were imported during the colonial period are suggested by the dichroic aspect of some lapidary specimens. It is logical, based upon the specimens examined here, to conclude that these beads were formed by some hot process that involved extracting glass ingots from mixtures of scrap glass that had been melted in crucibles. Furthermore, it is logical to conclude from this evidence that the perforations were formed while the glass was hot because of the difficulties that would likely accompany pecking or drilling cold glass.
Legend has it that these beads were first made by Olokun, a female deity and member of the Yoruba founding family. The original materials likely came from gravesites in and around Ife, such as the famous Olokun Grove. Later, as the original sources became exhausted, newly imported glass bottles and beads were substituted. "Kori" stones are an intermediate step in the process, but these "stones" were also objects of veneration and worship, known locally as aje ileke and aje Olokun, "wealth of beads" and "wealth of Olokun", respectively. These beads are only superficially lapidary, having been hot-formed from molten glass mixtures. A tentative classification would be Yoruba hot-pierced ingot beads.
Powder Glass Beads
It is generally accepted that the Yoruba made powder glass beads, but which beads they are, as distinct from Ghanaian powder glass, remains problematic. Unlike the Ghanaian industries, which in the past couple of decades have undergone a renaissance, the Yoruba practice is now virtually extinct. The "lapidary" industry, discussed above, produced what the Yoruba call "segi" beads, the blue, green, and other dark colors of the Olokun cult. The powder glass industry, however, produced both the dark or "cool" colors and the light or "hot" colors, including red and yellow, called "iyun". And, much like their Ghanaian counterparts, the Yoruba bead makers employed a variety of techniques. It is said that powder glass bead making began after the "lapidary" work and was introduced when supplies of materials suitable for making lapidary beads were exhausted. Upon reflection, this hardly makes sense, since the same materials can be used for both types of beads.
Euba believes it was the Krobo who introduced powder glass techniques to the Yoruba. That this Nigerian writer would make this assertion is interesting, but suggests that, in fact, powder glass technology among the Yoruba is relatively recent. Indeed, the Krobo themselves cannot reliably attribute their own industry to much before 1900 and say they learned the technique from the Ewe.
 The picture to the left shows a variety of powder glass beads mostly collected in Nigeria. The large yellow bead is about 33 mm long, with a diameter of 10 mm. These beads differ technically from typical Ghanaian powder glass in that they are not made in molds. Informants at Ilorin, who also made pecked jasper beads, demonstrated a moldless wet technique, whereby crushed glass, moistened with water, is shaped by hand. The perforations are made before the beads are fired, using the esoro, the hard metal pin used to peck perforations in jasper. The beads are fired horizontally on a sand-covered metal plate over a charcoal brazier. The bright coral-colored bead next to the long yellow in the picture shows the flattened perforation that typically results from this technique.
Modern, but abandoned, beadworks observed at Olokun Grove in Ife lend credence to the above technical description. At Olokun Grove, heaps of modern broken bottles in three colors (clear, bright green, and brown) were observed, along with open-air earth platforms and bellows used for firing. Otherwise, no molds were seen amongst the rubble of this neglected site. Available for the taking were a few long blue beads, such as those shown in the picture. It is not clear what blue colorant was used for these blue beads, although it is possible that laundry blue was involved, as it is in Ghana. The beads frequently have flattened off-color sides, further indicating that they were made horizontally.
It is apparent that there are two generations of Yoruba powder glass beads. The later group, for which evidence was found in Nigeria, is of coarser powder, showing little evidence of finishing. The earlier group, specimens of which Jamey Allen found in the British Museum, is much higher quality. In the above picture, the long yellow bead, the greenish one below it, the green and coral on either side of it, the pair of light blues, the fat blue to the lower left, and two or three of the navy blues are all part of this earlier group. These earlier powder glass beads, as were the beads in the British Museum, made of crushed old beads, not bottle glass. The difference in density is sensible to the touch, with the older beads noticeably heavier. Furthermore, the texture of the older models is much finer and they show evidence of lapidary finishing.
 Shown to the right are specimens of the earlier and later styles of Yoruba powder glass. The large "coral" is 30 mm in length and about as wide in cross-section. This bead is nicely finished and the particles are fine enough as to be invisible to the naked eye. Note also the whitish mottling, indicating a serious attempt at simulating coral. This bead, purchased singly in the Lomé market, would be important in the regalia of Yoruba chiefs. The crude greens, obviously of beer bottles, are typical of recent Ilorin production.
The powder glass beads examined so far are undecorated. Among a batch of "segi" beads acquired at Ife, however, were some striped beads, shown in the picture below, along with identical beads from Kroboland. These beads have opaque, mostly light blue bases identical to the pair of light blue beads shown in the group photo above. In some cases, the stripes show such fine execution that the beads could be mistaken for European drawn beads. Some even have compound stripes. These beads are of the earlier vintage and show mastery comparable to that of "nurakad". These beads also conger up images of the description of "kori" left by Pacheco Pereira around 1500, i.e., "blue beads with red lines", a bead theme that spans the entire period of European contact with West Africa. Such exact work, including the smooth shiny finish, is also reminiscent of certain "bodom" and "akoso" beads, the origins of which remain conjectural.
 How did the makers of these beads achieve these fine stripes? One expert has proposed, in the case of "bodom" and/or "akoso", that Africans obtained European glass canes and somehow applied these to their beads, creating stripes and other line-type decorations. While one cannot completely discount theoretical possibilities, especially in the absence of documentation and the possibility of multiple techniques, this hypothesis seems unlikely. It has already been observed that binders were used to form at least some Yoruba powder glass beads, so it may be logical to propose a wet method for the stripes, as well. Why not? The Maures make decorated moldless powder glass beads with binders (saliva); the Yoruba could have had analogous techniques.
Another mystery arises out of the beads called "Keta awuazi" by the Krobo. Keta is a coastal Ewe town in eastern Ghana near the Togo border. These beads appear to be made in horizontal molds, as described in the literature (Sinclair and others), but they are morphologically similar to these striped "segi" beads that are believed to be Yoruba products. There is no evidence that "Keta awuazi" were actually made at Keta. In fact, they could have merely passed through this town, which was the easternmost fort in the string of European forts along this stretch of the Guinea Coast. For comparison, it is noted that "Aklé [Accra] koli" is the Krobo name for certain translucent cobalt or white European beads, presumably because Accra was the source of such beads, not because they were made there. Similar misleading geographic bead names, such as "Hudson Bay" and "Russian" are also prevalent in the North American trade. In short, it is possible that "Keta awuazi" are of Yoruba provenance.
Other "nyusisi koli" collected in Kroboland can now be attributed to the Yoruba powder glass industries. The varieties shown in the following photo are mildly translucent and appear to have been made from wine bottles, with applied decorations likely derived from European beads. Most of these specimens are not regular cylinders, but have the flat rougher sides characteristic of the moldless horizontal production technique. The perforations, however, are rather straight and round. It is an open question how these bead makers achieved translucence all the while maintaining the perforation. Is it possible that metal perforators were left in the beads throughout the firing?
 Other unusual powder glass beads have been found in both Kroboland and Yorubaland, specifically, what the Krobo call "tehe (stone) "koli". The beads pictured below are composed of glass fragments, perhaps from "kori" stones, that have been joined with powder glass. The seams between the fragments and powder glass are quite smooth, as if the powder glass was applied in paste form. Otherwise, there is little evidence of post-firing grinding, while the perforations themselves are highly irregular. Each bead here is composed of two fragments joined by the grayish powder glass.
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t is unclear why the Yoruba bead makers went to these lengths to make such beads. Would it not be more logical and even easier to throw the fragments back into the crucible, melt them again, and make new "lapidary" beads or pulverize the fragments and make new powder glass beads? Yet, these beads indicate that the people who made the "lapidary" varieties were closely related to those who made the powder glass varieties. They may represent one method of achieving translucence, at least partially. Such beads could be considered hybrids of the two industries.
 Shown to the right are other specimens of glass fragments joined with powder glass. Many of the fragments in this group seem less like raw glass fragments and more like prepared pieces of European and local glass beads.
A final group of apparent Yoruba powder glass beads (Above Left), collected in Kroboland and also called "nyusisi koli" by the Krobo, incorporates white or pale blue glass fragments into fine base powder. Some of the decorative fragments are clearly recognizable small European beads. Most of the beads shown on the string below are opaque, but the three larger and darker beads next to the knot are translucent cobalt blue.
To summarize, the Yoruba powder glass bead industries are proving to be much more complex than previously thought. The last vestiges of the industry produced very crude beads late in the 20th century, but earlier, during the colonial period at least, some of the work rivaled in complexity and workmanship fine Mauritanian work. Certain beads even give rise to the possibility that the Yoruba could have made "bodom" or "akoso". Basic Yoruba powder glass beads are made horizontally, with binders and without molds. They had methods to achieve translucence and showed great creativity in combining glass fragments with powder glass. Some of this work is so elaborate and careful that some styles, particularly the striped beads, can be easily mistaken for European beads. Beads matching the descriptions set forth above are classified as Yoruba powder glass.
Drawn Beads
The third and potentially most controversial category of Yoruba glass beads includes some mysterious drawn beads that, so far, can only be traced to Yorubaland. Jamey Allen first informed this student of the possibility of Yoruba drawn beads several years ago. The literature, however, seems silent in this respect. Indeed, Davison specifically states that the Yoruba never made drawn beads. Yet, at the Antiquities Museum in Ife, there are some obvious drawn beads on display beside glass-lined crucibles and "kori" stones, as if these objects are somehow related. Specimens of drawn beads called "segi" are also available in the market and Dr. Eluyemi informs us that such beads were made locally. Until now, there has been no such thing as African-made drawn beads, hence the controversy surrounding these mysterious beads.
Both Eluyemi and Euba discuss two types of beads. Experts consider these two types to be the "lapidary" and "powder glass" types discussed above, so why did Dr. Eluyemi, when shown specimens of these unusual drawn beads, claim they were made by the Yoruba, right there in Ife? Despite mention of just two types in his small book, he was now indicating a third type. This dilemma appears to be the result of confusion in terminology between the Western bead experts and the Yoruba informants. Upon reflection, it is now believed by this student that the beads called "lapidary" and "drawn" by the Western bead experts are now undifferentiated among the Yoruba-all are "segi". In fact, as mentioned above, the term "lapidary" now seems rather inappropriate for that group of beads, especially if they are the result of hot piercing hot glass ingots extracted from a molten mass of glass. This would be like calling Bohemian cut beads "lapidary", despite the fact that they are made from drawn canes. Thus, it is now proposed that both the "lapidary" beads and the mysterious "drawn" beads are extreme examples of the same industry and, indeed, the two groups, upon examination of many specimens, tend to grade together. They are all products of drawing, stretching, or pulling molten or softened glass from a crucible, differing only in methods of perforation. Because of the variability of the glasses, technique, and workmanship over a long period, perhaps centuries, great variations in product must be inevitable. As the photos below will indicate, there is even great variability within the "drawn" end of the spectrum, to the extent that the finest examples suggest European manufacture.
 These beads (right), particularly the bottom example, match closely the beads on display at the Antiquities Museum in Ife. The bead second from the bottom is some 68 mm in length, translucent blue, and features a corded, even knotty, texture. The shade of blue is not typical of bottles and matches rather closely the shade of the "taffy" bead shown above. The other three specimens are opaque, but all of them have a micaceous luster and a distinctive "tinkle" when struck against each other. The beads are clearly drawn and indisputably Yoruba.
The group of three beads (shown to left) is clearly related to the first group. These beads retain the micaceous luster and the tinkle effect, but the left-hand and center beads appear to be made of identifiable bottle glass. Informal heat tests have indicated that some of the glass used to make these beads softens at relatively higher temperatures than that of leaded Venetian glass. Note the applied translucent purple stripes and twists. The tapering suggests that only very short canes were made.
 Even more elaborate varieties are shown below. The second, fourth, and fifth beads retain the micaceous luster, but the surfaces are much less corded. The arching was probably desirable, but again suggests that short canes were involved. The first and third beads, also arched, are made of clear glass, but have very thin blue surface layers, as shown to the left. The surface of the third bead has some of the knotting characteristic of earlier examples. These beads begin to approach "European" quality and, hence, our level of disbelief rises.
The variations do not end here. Beads in the next group have the following characteristics. From the top: Thin blue coating over clear, one red stripe; opaque light blue, one lighter blue stripe, curved; opaque light blue over translucent amber, three red stripes; translucent amber over thin clear core, grayish stripes; opaque light blue, three red stripes, curved. The thin surface coating is differentiated from the cored beads. There is measurable thickness to the cores comparable to the layering of Venetian compound drawn beads.
It is apparent that these blue beads, with or without stripes, are not accidental. By all means, these beads are conscious attempts to replicate "kori" beads, now called "segi" by the Yoruba. It is speculated that the amber cores are an attempt incorporate a dichroic aspect to the beads. The amber glass, along with the clear, appears to be derived from bottles.
In Yoruba culture, "segi" are contrasted with "iyun". Examples of "iyun" made with this technology are shown to the left. The top specimen is a fragment of a yellow curved bead showing the perforation and impurities that are typical in these beads. The other three specimens are curved specimens of various lengths. These beads feature translucent amber cores and thin yellow coatings with red stripes. The characteristic micaceous luster and knotting are also present. The longest bead is about 60 mm in length.
Other irregular specimens suggest a conscious attempt to salvage otherwise poorly formed beads. The beads in the next photo appear to be broken lengthwise, exposing their would-be perforations, as the yellow fragment to the left. These beads have very thin perforations parallel reminiscent of the perforations of "lapidary" specimens.
 Such reworked beads suggest a connection between the "lapidary" type and the drawn type. The top bead in the photo is translucent blue, but does not show any of the drawn characteristics. Until now, it would be considered "lapidary". The other three specimens have the luster and cording typical of the drawn beads. Yet, they are all perforated the same
Among the most magnificent of these drawn beads is shown below. The base is clear with a greenish tint and the surface is decorated with spiraling compound blue, red, and yellow stripes. The distinctive knotting is apparent and the ends are biased, as is common in West Africa.
Other intriguing specimens found in association with these drawn beads illustrate the ultimate potential of this drawn bead industry as the beads grade into European varieties. Of the beads shown below, the first and third, in particular, retain some of the features of Yoruba beads. They might even be Yoruba and represent the ultimate expression of Yoruba bead making.
 To summarize, the drawn beads examined here have a number of distinctive features that separate them from all other drawn beads of known origin. These features include: heavy cording and knotting, micaceous luster, tapering, and a tinkling sound when hit together. The glass frequently has impurities and typically has a higher softening point than leaded Venetian glass. Many of the beads appear made of bottle glass and most all of the mainstream examples are of colors significant to the Yoruba, particularly the blue of "segi" and the yellow or red of "iyun". So far, these beads have only been found among the Yoruba, while experts have failed to suggest other origins. Furthermore, there is nothing to suggest from these beads that they are exogenous beads that have been heat-treated.
Neither Euba nor Eluyemi differentiated these drawn beads from the so-called "lapidary" beads. In fact, these two authorities used neither term, "lapidary" nor "drawn", when discussing Yoruba-made beads. Eluyemi said the esoro was used to make "segi" beads. Other informants, Mrs. Grace at Oyo, in particular, claimed that certain beads were made from "kori" stones. The juxtaposition of glass-lined crucibles, "kori" stones, and some of these beads at the Antiquities Museum in Ife is further evidence that these beads were, in fact, made by the Yoruba. Thus, these beads should be classified as Yoruba drawn beads.
Conclusions
There are three distinct groups of Yoruba glass beads. Collectors, experts, and others who, apparently, never had much evidence with which to work or never looked too closely, have traditionally considered the first group "lapidary bottle glass". While some of these beads show evidence of lapidary finishing of bottle glass, it is apparent from the above specimens that these beads passed through a molten stage ("kori" stones) and that the perforations are, in fact, the result of hot piercing with the esoro. No one disputes the Yoruba origin of these beads, which are henceforth better classified as Yoruba hot-pierced ingot beads.
The Yoruba powder glass beads are differentiated from Ghanaian powder glass in several ways. These beads were not made in molds and, apparently, binders were used to maintain the bead shapes during firing. In this regard, Yoruba powder glass is more closely related to "nurakad". Another distinctive aspect of this Yoruba industry is the fusing of glass or bead fragments with powder glass.
The third group includes certain mysterious drawn beads that, so far, have only been traced to Yorubaland, where they have been found in museum and market contexts. These beads exhibit a variety of unusual features that, in combination, tend to exclude other possible origins. Furthermore, it is apparent that Western bead experts have been victims of their own technical terminology and, in fact, these drawn beads represent a second distinct product of the "kori" stone technology. The moral of this whole exercise is that, without beads, it is hard to write about them, while conclusions based upon African trader myths, lack of imagination, and Western stereotypes frequently retard progress in the sub-sub-discipline/hobby of "bead research". Incredibly, Yoruba drawn beads survived the 20th century  unrecognized by Western bead enthusiasts. The Yoruba, of course, knew it all along.
Editor’s Note: We wish to thank by Kwesi Amanfrafo the author of this article and encourage you to visit his website at www.tradebeads.net. We would also like to thank Christopher England formerly of Intergalactic Bead Shows and The National Bead Society who gave us initial permission to reprint this article
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